Below is a full, official translation of President Yoon Suk Yeol's address to the nation on Thursday.

My fellow Koreans,

I stand here today to clarify my position regarding the declaration of martial law.

The opposition parties are currently going berserk, claiming that the declaration of martial law equates to insurrection.

Is what they claim true?

Who are these forces paralyzing state affairs and disrupting the constitution in the Republic of Korea?

Over the past two and a half years, the opposition parties controlling the National Assembly have refused to recognize the President elected by the people and have continued agitating to remove and impeach the President.

It means that they refused to accept the results of the presidential election.

Since then, as many as 178 rallies have been held to call for the ouster and impeachment of the President.

In a bid to paralyze state affairs, they have pushed to impeach dozens of government officials since the launch of my administration.

Impeached officials are suspended from office for a long period of time–until the verdicts are handed down–even if they are found to be not at fault.

Even before impeachment proceedings began, after the motion was proposed, many officials voluntarily resigned from office.

Reckless attempts at impeachment have paralyzed state affairs.

The opposition lawmakers have impeached cabinet ministers and the Chairperson of the Korea Communications Commission as well as the Chair of the Board of Audit and Inspection of Korea and prosecutors who investigated their misconduct. It has come to the point where they are even intimidating judges.

They are employing these “bulletproof” impeachments in order to cover up their own corruption and completely destroy the discipline of public officials and the rule of law.

Moreover, they have proposed 27 unconstitutional special prosecutor bills and launched politically charged propaganda campaigns.

And now they are pushing for a “bulletproof” legislation allowing criminals to grant themselves a pardon.

The opposition-controlled National Assembly has become a monster that is destroying free and democratic constitutional order, instead of serving as its bedrock.

If this is not the paralysis of state affairs and a national crisis, what is?

The list doesn’t stop here.

The colossal group of opposition parties is now threatening even national security and social safety.

For example, three Chinese nationals were caught flying a drone and filming a U.S. aircraft carrier docked in Busan in June.

Found on their smartphones and laptops were photos of Korean military installations taken over the past two years or more.

Last month, a Chinese man in his 40s was caught filming the National Intelligence Service headquarters with a drone.

It was revealed that he made a beeline for the National Intelligence Service to do this upon arriving from China.

Under the current law, however, there is no way to punish foreign nationals for espionage. To prevent this kind of situation, I tried to amend the spy-related article of the Criminal Act, but the huge main opposition party has adamantly blocked it.

That party stripped the National Intelligence Service of its anti-espionage investigative power during the previous administration and is now going so far as to try to repeal the National Security Act.

Doesn’t this imply that we shouldn’t catch spies who threaten our national security?

Despite North Korea’s illegal provocations–threats of nuclear weapons and missiles, GPS jamming, floating trash balloons–and spy cases involving the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions the main opposition party sympathizes with the North. Making matters worse, the opposition party is siding with North Korea while also tarnishing the government which is struggling alone to respond to the North’s provocations. They demand that the United Nations must first lift the sanctions that are imposed against North Korea for its illegal nuclear programs.

It is impossible to know which nation this political party truly serves and which nation the National Assembly actually represents.

Next year’s budget covering the special expenses and special activity expenses for the prosecution service and police has been reduced to zero.

This budget is essential for supporting investigations into cases where people’s livelihoods are encroached upon, such as incidents of financial fraud, crimes against the socially vulnerable and probes into illegal narcotics. It is also needed to fund anti-espionage investigation activities.

The budget for responding to narcotics and deepfake crimes has also been slashed.

These budget cuts more than just block investigations that target those party members–they go so far as to block investigations into illegal activities that interfere with everyday people’s lives, including narcotics violations and organized crime. Doesn’t this amount to turning the Republic of Korea into a heaven for spies, a den for drugs and a nation of gang violence?

Aren’t these kinds of people an anti-state force that is bent upon destroying the country?

Even with this being the case, the budget for maintaining their own privileges has been increased.

The economy, too, is in a state of emergency.

The main opposition party is going so far as to shut off the Republic of Korea’s economic growth engines.

This becomes evident when you look at the Democratic Party’s cutbacks in next year’s budget.

The financing for supporting the nuclear power ecosystem has been reduced. The funds allocated for the export of nuclear power plants to the Czech Republic have been slashed by 90 percent. The budget for developing next-generation nuclear plants has been virtually eliminated.

Funds for supporting basic scientific research, quantum computing, semiconductors, biotechnology and other drivers of growth have also been greatly reduced.

The budget for drilling in the East Sea gas field, the so-called Blue Whale Project, has practically been slashed completely.

Programs supporting jobs for youth, support for building up the assets of children in socially vulnerable families and even child-assistance allowances have been tinkered with.

Also, on the chopping block are the Innovative Growth Fund, used to build the industrial ecosystem, and the budget for nurturing small enterprises with powerful technologies.

About 1 trillion won has been taken away from the disaster response reserve, while the research and development budget has also been reduced for vaccines to protect against pandemics. In this way, the Republic of Korea now finds itself in a state of governmental paralysis as a result of the main opposition party’s autocratic and violent control of legislation. Social order is in chaos, and the government is unable to perform its administrative and jurisdictional tasks.

Fellow Koreans,

You may already know much about what I have mentioned so far.

However, many other serious matters that have not been revealed directly to the public have also occurred, leading me to make the grave decision to impose martial law.

In the second half of last year, North Korea hacked into constitutional institutions such as the National Election Commission and other government organizations. As soon as this was detected, the National Intelligence Service checked for possible information leaks and sought to verify computer system safety.

All government organizations agreed to allow the National Intelligence Service to inspect their systems under their own observation.

However, the National Election Commission stubbornly refused, arguing that it was a constitutional organization.

When the National Election Commission was subject to an audit and investigation due to its large-scale recruitment scandal, it stepped back and agreed to the National Intelligence Service’s inspection.

However, only a very small part of their entire operating system was inspected, and inspections were not allowed in other remaining areas. Even though only a small part was inspected, the situation was serious.

When National Intelligence Service employees tested the system through a mock hacking, they found that it was possible to manipulate the data there at will. There were virtually no firewalls.

The password was very simple, like “12345.”

The system security management company was very small and lacked expertise.

As president, I was shocked by the National Intelligence Service’s report.

How can our people trust election results when the computer system that manages the elections–the very foundation of democracy–is in such disarray? The National Election Commission was present during the National Intelligence Service’s security inspections, and all they did was to repeat again and again the excuse that they had not manipulated the data themselves.

The National Election Commission is a constitutional body, and some of its commissioners are from the judiciary. Therefore, it is virtually impossible to initiate a warrant-based search and seizure and conduct compulsory investigations.

Without the National Election Commission’s cooperation, it’s impossible to ascertain the truth.

Even before the last general elections in April 24, 2024, I demanded improvements to the areas of concern. However, it is still impossible to verify whether relevant improvements were made.

For this reason, I directed the Minister of National Defense to inspect the National Election Commission’s computer systems. When the main opposition Democratic Party of Korea recently vowed to impeach the Chief Prosecutor and Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office, the prosecutors who investigate and audit their corruption, as well as the Chair of the Board of Audit and Inspection, a constitutional body, I decided I could no longer sit idly by.

I thought I had to do something.

It became clear that they would soon point the “impeachment knife” to the judiciary as well.

This is why I considered the option of declaring martial law.

Although the huge group of opposition parties kept taking unconstitutional measures that overstepped its constitutional authority, I decided to exercise my authority within the framework of the constitution. I decided to declare martial law based on my judgment that the current devastating paralysis of state affairs was the result of the executive and judicial branches’ state functions collapsing as the result of social disruption.

My purpose was to inform the public about the colossal group of opposition parties’ heinous anti-state behavior and to warn them to cease such behavior.

In so doing, I sought to halt the collapse of our free and democratic constitutional order and to normalize state functions.

And in fact, the Democratic Party of Korea said it would defer bills of impeachment against the Chair of the Board of Audit and Inspection and the Chief Prosecutor of the Seoul Central District Prosecutors’ Office after martial law was lifted on December 4. That led me to think my brief declaration of martial law had had some effect.

But then two days later, they passed those deferred bills of impeachment anyway.

They were determined to eliminate my rationale for declaring martial law.

I had initially told the Defense Minister that unlike previous martial law decrees, I would make an emergency appeal to the public and inform Koreans about the current crisis in the form of martial law.

That is why I deployed a small number of troops–only enough to maintain order–and did not equip them with lethal weapons. I said I would withdraw the troops as soon as the National Assembly passed a resolution to lift martial law.

So once the National Assembly passed that resolution, I called the Defense Minister, who was then at the ministry building, over to my office and ordered him to immediately withdraw the troops.

The emergency measures I took as President were designed not to destroy the constitutional order and the constitution, but to protect and restore them, and to inform the public of this disastrous crisis for our country.

The reason I sent a small contingent of troops to the National Assembly was to symbolically reveal the destructive behavior of that huge group of opposition parties. Those troops were intended to maintain order since large numbers of citizens and people from the National Assembly were likely to gather after seeing the broadcast about the martial law declaration. Obviously, the troops were not intended to disperse the National Assembly or paralyze its functions.

A contingent of fewer than 300 soldiers without lethal weapons could not have held the spacious grounds of the National Assembly for any significant amount of time.

The sort of martial law decrees issued in the past required tens of thousands of troops and a great deal of prior discussions and preparations, however, I did not order the defense minister to dispatch the troops until after I had informed the public about martial law in my televised statement.

Therefore, I gave my televised address to the nation at 22:30 P.M. The troop deployment started from 23:30 P.M., or a little after midnight. When the National Assembly voted to lift martial law a little later at 1:00 A.M., the troops were ordered to withdraw immediately.

In the end, the troops were there only for an hour or two.

If the objective was to paralyze the functions of the National Assembly, martial law should have been imposed on the weekend, not on a weekday.

The measures to cut power and water to the National Assembly building would have been taken, and broadcasting would have also been restricted.

However, none of these measures has been taken.

The National Assembly conducted deliberations normally, and the proceedings were broadcast live to the entire nation. Even though we took indispensable emergency measures to appeal to the people as part of the efforts to restore and defend the free and democratic constitutional order, we ensured that everything possible has been done as safety precautions to prevent casualties. This is why only elite troops above the level of non-commissioned officers–not regular conscripts–were deployed.

In preparing this martial law, I discussed it only with the Minister of National Defense. I informed some of my staff and cabinet members at the Cabinet meeting right before its declaration.

Many of those present opposed its declaration, expressing concerns relevant to their areas of responsibility.

From the perspective of the President who oversees the entire state of affairs, I explained that this measure was inevitable in the current situation. Military officers have done nothing wrong; they were simply following my orders to move troops after the declaration.

Let me be clear. I did not block National Assembly members and staff from entering the Assembly. That is why lawmakers and a huge crowd were able to enter the National Assembly grounds, the main building and the plenary chamber and why the deliberation about lifting martial law was able to be conducted.

And yet, somehow, there are those who have managed to greatly incite others erroneously by fabricating charges of insurrection designed to bring me down.

Can there be a two-hour-long insurrection?

Is it a revolt if you deploy a small number of troops briefly to maintain order?

Why is the colossal group of opposition parties rushing to impeach me under false pretenses?

There is only one reason.

Since a guilty verdict in a case against the leader of the main opposition party is imminent, they are trying to get around it by impeaching the President and holding an early presidential election.

They are trying to cover up their crimes and seize control of state affairs even by destroying the national system.

Isn’t this the actual act of disrupting the constitution?

Whether they impeach me or investigate me, I will stand firm. I have already said that I will not evade legal or political responsibility for the declaration of martial law.

Since taking office, I have never been concerned about my approval rating, my term as president or maintaining my position.

If I had only thought about keeping my position, I would not have fought against the forces disrupting the constitution, and I would not have declared martial law as I did.

I could not allow myself to obsess over protecting my five-year term and turn my back on the country and the people.

I could not betray the intention of the people who elected me. It was an attempt to protect the Republic of Korea’s freedom, democracy and constitutional order against the huge group of opposition parties’ parliamentary dictatorship as it continued to abuse its majority power to pass a series of unreasonable acts. It is entirely obsessed with defending its leader.

How can a decision based on the constitution and the authority of a president who believed that there was no alternative be considered insurrection?

The president exercising the right to declare martial law is within the realm of executive authority, which is not subject to judicial review, as when exercising the right to pardon or to conduct foreign affairs.

Fellow Koreans,

The opposition parties are now trying to drag me out of the presidency by accusing me of a serious crime.

What will happen if the country is governed by a destructive force that abuses the constitution?

Unconstitutional laws, self-exonerating laws and economy-destroying legislation will be rammed through the National Assembly and completely destroy this country.

Nuclear power and semiconductor industries and other future growth engines will wither, and China-made solar power facilities will destroy forests across the country.

The ROK-US alliance and ROK-US-Japan cooperation–the foundations of our security and economy–will be undermined once again.

North Korea will further advance its nuclear weapons and missiles, posing greater threats to our lives.

Then, what will become of the future of this country, the Republic of Korea?

Our country will become a place where spies run rampant, drugs ruin future generations and organized crime takes over.

We must prevent the forces and criminal groups that have paralyzed state affairs and breached the constitution to date from taking control of state affairs and threatening the future of the Republic of Korea at all costs. I will fight till the end.

My fellow Koreans,

I declared emergency martial law under the President’s legal authority to protect the country and normalize state affairs in a catastrophic emergency that paralyzed state affairs. The declaration of martial law is a highly political decision by the President and can only be overturned by a request to do so from the National Assembly.

Many are aware that this is the judicial precedent and the majority opinion of constitutional scholars.

I immediately accepted the National Assembly’s request to lift martial law.

Some of you have different ideas about the requirements for declaring martial law.

However, as many constitutional scholars and legal professionals point out, viewing emergency measures aiming to save the country as an act of insurrection – an attempt to destroy the country – puts our constitution and legal system at serious risk.

There’s something I’d like to ask.

Where and what on earth did those who are now performing a frenzied sword dance here and there do to bring the country to this state? Do they mean that they never thought Korea is under crisis?

I call on public officials.

In the face of this grave security situation and global economic crisis, I urge you to continue working tirelessly to protect the safety and livelihood of the people.

My fellow Koreans,

For the past two and a half years of my presidency, I have fought against wrongs, injustice and tyranny committed under the guise of democracy to protect and rebuild freedom and democracy, focusing only on the people.

I earnestly appeal to you, all the people, to unite as one in protecting the Republic of Korea and our freedom and democracy, which we have upheld with blood and sweat.

I will fight with you, the people, until the last moment.

I apologize again to the people for causing surprise and anxiety by the imposition of martial law, regardless of brief duration.

Please, believe in my heartfelt loyalty to you, the people.

Thank you.